There have been record highs this summer, in the triple digits, especially in the American southeast. It hasn't been a dry heat, at least not where I live. Its been muggy, and often the long days end with rumbling, torrential rains.
Its beautiful to witness, to hear, and occasionally to be caught up in the wonder. But I can't help but ask myself if our record highs are isolated aberrations peculiar to the United States, or are these trends seen all over the world.
In Sudan, its raining. In fact flooding in most of Khartoum which has piss poor drainage system. Its deluge in the provinces, especially in Kordofan.
Meanwhile we seem to have an impasse, a stalemate. For Bashir and Silva Kirr have both amassed their sizable armies along the North-South divide. Staking claim to the valuable oil reserves that lie below.
Its a sobering reminder that "peace" isn't worth the paper it was written on. It demonstrates to the people of Sudan the lack of trust between the two "partners," and it offers a very scary picture of the future. For in a few short months, the people of Southern Sudan will have a referendum. A choice between autonomy or complete separation. A vote for separation seems to be a forgone conclusion, and with it, the North can kiss the lucrative oil reserves goodbye. Or will they? Will Bashir's government give it up so easily?
Its quite possible the historic referendum of January 2011, might become a blood bath. Just another.
Sunday, August 08, 2010
Monday, May 24, 2010
Bargaining with the Devil: The Sudanese Elections
Last month, I along with other Sudanese-Americans watched with disgust as the results from Sudan's first multi-party election in 24 years were released. Despite widespread fraud, irregularities and boycotting by main opposition parties, the United States and the international community have still chosen to recognize the election of president Bashir, a man wanted for war crimes, including genocide by the International Criminal Courts.
Shortly after the results were released, Scott Gration, US special envoy to Sudan met with the Southern Sudanese community in Washington, D.C. Conspicuously absent were northern Sudanese, or any of the main opposition parties. Throughout the meeting Gration reiterated the administration’s support for an independent South. He admitted that the elections were neither fair nor free, arguing that this would not be the case in January 2011 when Southern Sudanese in Sudan and the Diaspora will cast their vote for autonomy or independence. The lack of concern for the violation of the civil rights of millions of Sudanese during this election was readily apparent. For it seems that in return for US recognition of a flawed process, and an illegitimate leader, is the promise of a free, independent Southern Sudanese nation under the rule of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). The sacrifice, millions of Sudanese, who it seems were born on the wrong side of the border, or perhaps just don’t practice the right religion.
Sudan, like most African nations, was an artificial creation, carved up by European colonial interests. The majority of ethnic groups had unequal and limited access to state resources. Perhaps this inequality in Southern Sudan was made even more stark by the absence of a shared language, religion or ethnicity with the largely Arab, Muslim elites of Khartoum.
Ask anyone who has been to Sudan, and they will tell you that the labels of Arab vs. African and Muslim vs. Christian can be deceiving. More importantly, these labels are not helpful in understanding the conflicts that have checkered Sudanese history. Once you peel them away it becomes apparent that it all comes down to economics.
Southern Sudan represented potential for oil, water, and land, which were increasingly scarce and important to the commercial interests of the state. Northern regimes in the past including Bashir’s National Congress Party (NCP) sought to exploit the resources of the region paying little attention to improving the lives of the people and the communities of the South. Instead they waged a bloody war, killing whole communities and displacing others to ensure control and access to these resources.
The South’s promise of oil was finally realized by the state, and in the last 10 years Sudan’s economy has grown fivefold from $10 billion to $53 billion. Oil represents over 80% of that economy largely replacing agriculture as the main vehicle of economic growth.
In looking back at the agreement that paved the way for these historic elections is the realization that the so-called Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was confined only to the military parties involved in the conflict: Bashir’s NCP in the north, and the SPLM, the main rebel movement in the south. Most conflict-resolution experts argue that although these types of agreements offer a speedy end to usually prolonged civil wars, excluding opposition parties, more often than not, ends up creating very unpleasant realities on the ground; one word, Darfur.
The question now is should the United States and the international community take president Bashir at his word when he says he will accept the results of a referendum to decide the future of Southern Sudan? He has proven himself to be a disingenuous, corrupt partner at best and a war criminal at worst. Why should this recent promise have any merit? Does the international community truly believe Bashir’s regime would consciously give up their main economic resource in the name of goodwill? After all, it is an open secret that most of Sudan’s oil rich property resides in the South.
Not challenging the NCP and Bashir in hopes that it will buy Southern independence is trading on the despair of one population for the future of another. Alienating a population of Arab Muslims that this administration wants to reach out to and engage.
To further complicate matters, it’s not a sure bet. If we take the NCP and Bashir out of the equation, a happy ending for Southern Sudan is not a natural conclusion. It still leaves the embattled SPLM, a political party accused of widespread intimidation and possible fraud in the South. An organization perceived to be dictatorial, corrupt, and dominated by one ethnic group. This perception has manifested violently and conflict between Southern ethnic groups has been on the rise claiming the lives of thousands. That leaves us with a newly independent, landlocked Southern Sudanese nation with violent competing factions. If history is to be believed, the United States and the international community would have helped create another failed state.
Shortly after the results were released, Scott Gration, US special envoy to Sudan met with the Southern Sudanese community in Washington, D.C. Conspicuously absent were northern Sudanese, or any of the main opposition parties. Throughout the meeting Gration reiterated the administration’s support for an independent South. He admitted that the elections were neither fair nor free, arguing that this would not be the case in January 2011 when Southern Sudanese in Sudan and the Diaspora will cast their vote for autonomy or independence. The lack of concern for the violation of the civil rights of millions of Sudanese during this election was readily apparent. For it seems that in return for US recognition of a flawed process, and an illegitimate leader, is the promise of a free, independent Southern Sudanese nation under the rule of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). The sacrifice, millions of Sudanese, who it seems were born on the wrong side of the border, or perhaps just don’t practice the right religion.
Sudan, like most African nations, was an artificial creation, carved up by European colonial interests. The majority of ethnic groups had unequal and limited access to state resources. Perhaps this inequality in Southern Sudan was made even more stark by the absence of a shared language, religion or ethnicity with the largely Arab, Muslim elites of Khartoum.
Ask anyone who has been to Sudan, and they will tell you that the labels of Arab vs. African and Muslim vs. Christian can be deceiving. More importantly, these labels are not helpful in understanding the conflicts that have checkered Sudanese history. Once you peel them away it becomes apparent that it all comes down to economics.
Southern Sudan represented potential for oil, water, and land, which were increasingly scarce and important to the commercial interests of the state. Northern regimes in the past including Bashir’s National Congress Party (NCP) sought to exploit the resources of the region paying little attention to improving the lives of the people and the communities of the South. Instead they waged a bloody war, killing whole communities and displacing others to ensure control and access to these resources.
The South’s promise of oil was finally realized by the state, and in the last 10 years Sudan’s economy has grown fivefold from $10 billion to $53 billion. Oil represents over 80% of that economy largely replacing agriculture as the main vehicle of economic growth.
In looking back at the agreement that paved the way for these historic elections is the realization that the so-called Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was confined only to the military parties involved in the conflict: Bashir’s NCP in the north, and the SPLM, the main rebel movement in the south. Most conflict-resolution experts argue that although these types of agreements offer a speedy end to usually prolonged civil wars, excluding opposition parties, more often than not, ends up creating very unpleasant realities on the ground; one word, Darfur.
The question now is should the United States and the international community take president Bashir at his word when he says he will accept the results of a referendum to decide the future of Southern Sudan? He has proven himself to be a disingenuous, corrupt partner at best and a war criminal at worst. Why should this recent promise have any merit? Does the international community truly believe Bashir’s regime would consciously give up their main economic resource in the name of goodwill? After all, it is an open secret that most of Sudan’s oil rich property resides in the South.
Not challenging the NCP and Bashir in hopes that it will buy Southern independence is trading on the despair of one population for the future of another. Alienating a population of Arab Muslims that this administration wants to reach out to and engage.
To further complicate matters, it’s not a sure bet. If we take the NCP and Bashir out of the equation, a happy ending for Southern Sudan is not a natural conclusion. It still leaves the embattled SPLM, a political party accused of widespread intimidation and possible fraud in the South. An organization perceived to be dictatorial, corrupt, and dominated by one ethnic group. This perception has manifested violently and conflict between Southern ethnic groups has been on the rise claiming the lives of thousands. That leaves us with a newly independent, landlocked Southern Sudanese nation with violent competing factions. If history is to be believed, the United States and the international community would have helped create another failed state.
Monday, May 10, 2010
The Wedding of Abdou
Finally broke my two year sentence, arriving at the homeland for my maternal uncle's wedding. I admit I was a bit upset that it wasn't in the capital Khartoum, but in Nuhud, a town far, far away in the wilds of Kordofan.
On the plus side I'd get to see la famiglia, my uncles, aunts, great uncles, great aunts, cousins, and grandma. What was nice was that for the first time ever, I got to bypass customs, and immigration and pretend I was a corrupt Sudanese or Chinese business official sitting in the VIP lounge at the Khartoum International Airport.
Apparently this is the mainstay for the rest of the family, but somehow I was never afforded these luxuries.
We only spent a night in Khartoum, and then hightailed it to Obeid the next morning. We spent two days in Obeid with my aunt and her family. Then we all went to Nuhud.
I was pleasantly surprised to find that the road from Obeid to Nuhud was completed, um..10 years after the fact.
Nuhud was a mess. Apparently the wedding was the only show in town. Everyone showed up to the house every day, my grandma who has lived in Nuhud most of her life didn't recognize many of the people who showed up day after day.
All in all the wedding was beautiful. Bride danced in the tradition of Sudanese brides, and it was kind of old school tradtional, with a hint of modern. Almost romantic.
I didn't spend much time in Khartoum, wasn't able to see most of my friends, but I hung out in Obeid. Got to go Sikan Musuem, and the camel market, and I got to eat yummy camel's liver...raw.
On the plus side I'd get to see la famiglia, my uncles, aunts, great uncles, great aunts, cousins, and grandma. What was nice was that for the first time ever, I got to bypass customs, and immigration and pretend I was a corrupt Sudanese or Chinese business official sitting in the VIP lounge at the Khartoum International Airport.
Apparently this is the mainstay for the rest of the family, but somehow I was never afforded these luxuries.
We only spent a night in Khartoum, and then hightailed it to Obeid the next morning. We spent two days in Obeid with my aunt and her family. Then we all went to Nuhud.
I was pleasantly surprised to find that the road from Obeid to Nuhud was completed, um..10 years after the fact.
Nuhud was a mess. Apparently the wedding was the only show in town. Everyone showed up to the house every day, my grandma who has lived in Nuhud most of her life didn't recognize many of the people who showed up day after day.
All in all the wedding was beautiful. Bride danced in the tradition of Sudanese brides, and it was kind of old school tradtional, with a hint of modern. Almost romantic.
I didn't spend much time in Khartoum, wasn't able to see most of my friends, but I hung out in Obeid. Got to go Sikan Musuem, and the camel market, and I got to eat yummy camel's liver...raw.
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